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2018上外高翻保研推免真题完整版 by中国高翻团队 2017.9.25@chinagaof...

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发表于 2017-9-25 12:27:38 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
2018上外高翻保研推免笔试真题
(真题首发,严禁复制转载)
2017.9.25 上午9:30-11:00考试
此版真题根据2018上外高翻保研推免群小伙伴热心回忆整理而成。
(特别感谢雅茜和俐雅的热情支持)
2017.9.25  12:05整理完毕!
By 符学长 稳扎稳打的中国高翻团队
一、英译汉(翻译划线部分,40分)-符学长补充:翻译8段,560words
Harvey spells it out: markets alone won't protect you
来源:卫报
材料时间:2017.9.8(距离保研笔试提前17天)

We should have learned the lessons of Hurricanes Katrina and Sandy – we need political action to help prevent disasters

Tropical Storm Harvey has left in its wake upended lives and enormous property damage, estimated by some at $150-$180bn. But the storm that pummelled the Texas coast for the better part of a week also raises deep questions about the United States’ economic system and politics.

It is ironic, of course, that an event so related to climate change would occur in a state that is home to so many climate-change deniers – and where the economy depends so heavily on the fossil fuels that drive global warming. Of course, no particular climate event can be directly related to the increase in greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. But scientists have long predicted that such increases would boost not only average temperatures, but also weather variability – and especially the occurrence of extreme events such as Harvey. As the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change concluded several years ago, “There is evidence that some extremes have changed as a result of anthropogenic influences, including increases in atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases.” Astrophysicist Adam Frank succinctly explained: “Greater warmth means more moisture in the air which means stronger precipitation.”

To be sure, Houston and Texas could not have done much by themselves about the increase in greenhouse gases, though they could have taken a more active role in pushing for strong climate policies. But local and state authorities could have done a far better job preparing for such events, which hit the area with some frequency.

In responding to the hurricane – and in funding some of the repair – everyone turns to government, just as they did in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. Again, it is ironic that this is now occurring in a part of the country where government and collective action are so frequently rebuked. It was no less ironic when the titans of US banking, having preached the neoliberal gospel of downsizing government and eliminating regulations that proscribed some of their most dangerous and antisocial activities, turned to government in their moment of need.
There is an obvious lesson to be learned from such episodes: markets on their own are incapable of providing the protection that societies need. When markets fail, as they often do, collective action becomes imperative.
And, as with financial crises, there is a need for preventive collective action to mitigate the impact of climate change. That means ensuring that buildings and infrastructure are constructed to withstand extreme events, and are not located in areas that are most vulnerable to severe damage. It also means protecting environmental systems, particularly wetlands, which can play an important role in absorbing the impact of storms. It means eliminating the risk that a natural disaster could lead to the discharge of dangerous chemicals, as happened in Houston. And it means having in place adequate response plans, including for evacuation.
Effective government investments and strong regulations are needed to ensure each of these outcomes, regardless of the prevailing political culture in Texas and elsewhere. Without adequate regulations, individuals and firms have no incentive to take adequate precautions, because they know that much of the cost of extreme events will be borne by others. Without adequate public planning and regulation, including of the environment, flooding will be worse. Without disaster planning and adequate funding, any city can be caught in the dilemma in which Houston found itself: if it does not order an evacuation, many will die; but if it does order an evacuation, people will die in the ensuing chaos, and snarled traffic will prevent people from getting out.
America and the world are paying a high price for devotion to the extreme anti-government ideology embraced by Donald Trump and his Republican party. The world is paying, because cumulative US greenhouse-gas emissions are greater than those from any other country; even today, the US is one of the world’s leaders in per capita greenhouse-gas emissions. But America is paying a high price as well: other countries, even poor developing countries, such as Haiti and Ecuador, seem to have learned (often at great expense and only after some huge calamities) how to manage natural disasters better.
After the destruction of New Orleans by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the shutdown of much of New York City by Sandy in 2012, and now the devastation wrought on Texas by Harvey, the US can and should do better. It has the resources and skills to analyse these complex events and their consequences, and to formulate and implement regulations and investment programmes that mitigate the adverse effects on lives and property.
What America doesn’t have is a coherent view of government by those on the right, who, working with special interests that benefit from their extreme policies, continue to speak out of both sides of their mouth. Before a crisis, they resist regulations and oppose government investment and planning; afterwards, they demand – and receive – billions of dollars to compensate them for their losses, even those that could easily have been prevented.
One can only hope that America, and other countries, will not need more natural persuasion before taking to heart the lessons of Hurricane Harvey. 560 words
• Joseph E Stiglitz is a Nobel prizewinner in economics, professor at Columbia University, a former senior vice-president and chief economist of the World Bank, and one-time chair of the US president’s council of economic advisers under Bill Clinton

二、汉译英--请根据下文内容写一篇英文总结,40分(团队金牌教师Gary预测到了此主题,并于考前推荐阅读)
自五四新文化运动以来,七十年间,中文的变化极大。一方面,优秀的作家与学者笔下的白话文愈写愈成熟,无论表情达意或是分析事理,都能运用自如。另一方面,道地的中文,包括文言文与民间文学的白话文,和我们的关系日渐生疏,而英文的影响,无论来自直接的学习或是间接的潜移默化,则日渐显著,因此一般人笔下的白话文,西化的病态日渐严重。一般人从大众传媒学到的,不仅是流行的观念,还有那些观念赖以包装的种种说法;有时,那些说法连高明之士也抗拒不了。今日的中文虽因地区不同而互见差异,但共同的趋势都是繁琐与生硬,例如中文本来是说「因此」,现在不少人却爱说「基于这个原因」;本来是说「问题很多」,现在不少人却爱说「有很多问题存在」。对于这种化简为繁、以拙代巧的趋势,有心人如果不及时提出警告,我们的中文势必越变越差,而道地中文原有的那种美德,那种简洁而又灵活的语文生态,也必将面目全非。

中文也有生态吗?当然有。措词简洁、句式灵活、声调铿锵,这些都是中文生命的常态。能顺着这样的生态,就能长保中文的健康。要是处处违拗这样的生态,久而久之,中文就会污染而淤塞,危机日渐迫近。

目前中文的一大危机,是西化。我自己出身外文系,三十多岁时有志于中文创新的试验,自问并非语文的保守派。大凡有志于中文创作的人,都不会认为善用四字成语就是创作的能事。反之,写文章而处处仰赖成语,等于只会用古人的脑来想,只会用古人的嘴来说,绝非豪杰之士。但是,再反过来说,写文章而不会使用成语,问题就更大了。写一篇完全不带成语的文章,不见得不可能,但是很不容易;这样的文章要写得好,就更难能可贵。目前的情形是,许多人写中文,已经不会用成语,至少会用的成语有限,显得捉襟见肘。一般香港学生目前只会说「总的来说」,却似乎忘了「总而言之」。同样地,大概也不会说「一言难尽」,只会说「不是一句话就能够说得清楚的」。

成语历千百年而犹存,成为文化的一部分。例如「千锤百炼」,字义对称,平仄协调,如果一定要说成「千炼百锤」,当然也可以,不过听来不顺,不像「千锤百炼」那样含有美学。同样,「朝秦暮楚」、「齐大非偶」、「乐不思蜀」等语之中,都含有中国的历史。成语的衰退正显示文言的淡忘,文化意识的萎缩。

英文没有学好,中文却学坏了,或者可说,带坏了。中文西化,不一定就是毛病。缓慢而适度的西化甚至是难以避免的趋势,高妙的西化更可以截长补短。但是太快太强的西化,破坏了中文的自然生态,就成了恶性西化。这种危机,有心人都应该及时警觉而且努力抵制。在欧洲的语文里面,文法比较单纯的英文恐怕是最近于中文的了。尽管如此,英文与中文仍有许多基本的差异,无法十分融洽。这一点,凡有中英文互译经验的人,想必都能同意。

常有乐观的人士说,语言是活的,有如河流,不能阻其前进,所谓西化乃必然趋势。语言诚然是活的,但应该活得健康,不应带病延年。至于河流的比喻,也不能忘了两岸,否则泛滥也会成灾。西化的趋势当然也无可避免,但不宜太快、太甚,应该截长补短,而非以短害长。

颇有前卫作家不以杞人之忧为然,认为坚持中文的常规,会妨碍作家的创新。这句话我十分同情,因为我也是「过来人」了。「语法岂为我辈而设哉!」诗人本有越界的自由。我在本文强调中文的生态,原为一般写作说法,无意规范文学的创作。前卫作家大可放心去追逐缪思,不用碍手碍脚,作语法之奴。

不过有一点不可不知。中文发展了好几千年,从清通到高妙,自有千锤百炼的一套常态。谁要是不知常态为何物而贸然自诩为求变,其结果也许只是献拙,而非生巧。变化之妙,要有常态衬托才显得出来。一旦常态不存,余下的只是乱,不是变了。

三、论述(三选一,400字以内,20分)
1.简述论语及其影响。
2.简述双城记背景及其意义。
3.举一个人工智能与翻译结合的例子。并论述你觉得翻译是否会被机器取代?

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2018上外高翻MTI考研群482118699:https://jq.qq.com/?_wv=1027&k=5gESOdY
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